Signature of the preliminaries of peace-Fall of Venice-My arrival
and
reception at Leoben-Bonaparte wishes to
pursue his
success-
The Directory opposes him-He wishes to
advance on Vienna-Movement
of the army of the Sombre-et-Mouse-Bonaparte's
dissatisfaction-
Arrival at Milan-We take up our
residence at Montebello-Napoleon's
judgment respecting Dandolo and Melzi.
I joined Bonaparte at Leoben on the 19th of April, the day after the
signature of the preliminaries of peace. These preliminaries resembled in no
respect the
definitive treaty of Campo Formio. The still
incomplete fall of the State of Venice did not at that time present an
available prey for
partition. All was arranged afterwards. Woe to the small States that come in
immediate contact with two
colossal empires waging war!
Here terminated my
connection with Bonaparte as a
comrade and
equal, and those relations with him commenced in which I saw him
suddenly great,
powerful, and surrounded with
homage and
glory. I no longer addressed him as I had been
accustomed to do. I appreciated too well his
personal importance. His position placed too great a
social distance between him and me not to make me feel the
necessity of fashioning my demeanour
accordingly. I made with pleasure, and without
regret, the easy
sacrifice of the
style of
familiar companionship and other little privileges. He said, in a loud voice, when I entered the
salon where he was surrounded by the officers who formed his
brilliant staff, "I am glad to see you, at last"-"Te voila donc, enfin;", but as soon as we were alone he made me
understand that he was pleased with my
reserve, and thanked me for it. I was
immediately placed at the head of his Cabinet. I
spoke to him the same evening respecting the
insurrection of the Venetian territories, of the dangers which menaced the French, and of those which I had escaped, etc. "Care thou' nothing about it," said he;
-[He used to 'tutoyer' me in this
familiar manner until his return
to Milan.]-
"those rascals shall pay for it. Their
republic has had its day, and is done." This
republic was, however, still existing,
wealthy and
powerful. These words brought to my
recollection what I had read in a work by one Gabriel Naude, who wrote during the
reign of Louis XIII. for Cardinal de Bagin: "Do you see Constantinople, which flatters itself with being the seat of a double
empire; and Venice, which glories in her
stability of a thousand years? Their day will come."
In the first
conversation which Bonaparte had with me, I
thought I could
perceive that he was not very well
satisfied with the preliminaries. He would have liked to
advance with his army to Vienna. He did not
conceal this from me. Before he offered peace to Prince Charles, he wrote to the Directory that he intended to
pursue his
success, but that for this
purpose he reckoned on the co-operation of the armies of the Sambre-et-Meuse and the Rhine. The Directory replied that he must not
reckon on a
diversion in Germany, and that the armies of the Sambre-et-Meuse and the Rhine were not to pass that river. A
resolution so unexpected-a
declaration so
contrary to what he had constantly solicited, compelled him to
terminate his triumphs, and
renounce his favourite
project of planting the
standard of the
republic on the ramparts of Vienna, or at least of levying contributions on the suburbs of that
capital.
A law of the 23d of August 1794 forbade the use of any other names than those in the
register of births. I wished to
conform to this law, which very foolishly interfered with old habits. My eldest brother was living, and I therefore designated myself Fauvelet the younger. This
annoyed General Bonaparte. "Such change of name is
absolute nonsense," said he. "I have known you for twenty years by the name of Bourrienne. Sign as you still are named, and see what the advocates with their laws will do."
On the 20th of April, as Bonaparte was returning to Italy, he was obliged to stop on an
island of the Tagliamento, while a
torrent passed by, which had been occasioned by a
violent storm. A
courier appeared on the
right bank of the river. He reached the
island. Bonaparte read in the despatches of the Directory that the armies of the Sambre-et-Meuse and the Rhine were in
motion; that they were preparing to
cross the Rhine, and had commenced hostilities on the very day of the signing of the preliminaries. This
information arrived seven days after the Directory had written that "he must not
reckon on the co-operation of the armies of Germany." It is
impossible to
describe the General's
vexation on reading these despatches. He had signed the preliminaries only because the Government had represented the co-operation of the armies of the Rhine as impracticable at that
moment, and shortly afterwards he was informed that the co-operation was about to take place! The
agitation of his
mind was so great that he for a
moment conceived the idea of crossing to the left
bank of the Tagliamento, and breaking off the negotiations under some
pretext or other. He persisted for some time in this
resolution, which, however, Berthier and some other generals
successfully opposed. He exclaimed, "What a
difference would there have been in the preliminaries, if, indeed, there had been any!"
His
chagrin, I
might almost say his
despair, increased when, some days after his
entry into the Venetian States, he received a letter from Moreau, dated the 23d of April, in which that
general informed him that, having passed the Rhine on the 20th with
brilliant success, and taken four thousand prisoners, it would not be long before he joined him. Who, in
fact, can say what would have happened but for the vacillating and distrustful
policy of the Directory, which always encouraged low intrigues, and participated in the
jealousy excited by the
renown of the young
conqueror? Because the Directory dreaded his
ambition they sacrificed the
glory of our arms and the honour of the
nation; for it cannot be doubted that, had the
passage of the Rhine, so urgently demanded by Bonaparte, taken place some days sooner, he would have been
able, without incurring any
risk, to
dictate imperiously the conditions of peace on the spot; or, if Austria were
obstinate, to have gone on to Vienna and signed it there. Still occupied with this idea, he wrote to the Directory on the 8th of May: "Since I have received
intelligence of the
passage of the Rhine by Hoche and Moreau, I much
regret that it did not take place fifteen days sooner; or, at least, that Moreau did not say that he was in a
situation to
effect it." (He had been informed to the
contrary.) What, after this, becomes of the
unjust reproach against Bonaparte of having,
through jealousy of Moreau,
deprived France of the advantages which a
prolonged campaign would have procured her? Bonaparte was too
devoted to the
glory of France to
sacrifice it to
jealousy of the
glory of any
individual.
In traversing the Venetian States to return to Milan, he often
spoke to me of Venice. He always assured me that he was originally entirely unconnected with the insurrections which had
agitated that country; that
common sense would show, as his
project was to
advance into the
basin of the Danube, he had no
interest in having his rear disturbed by revolts, and his communications interrupted or cut off: "Such an idea," said he, "would be
absurd, and could never enter into the
mind of a man to whom even his enemies cannot
deny a
certain degree of
tact." He acknowledged that he was not
vexed that matters had turned out as they had done, because he had already taken
advantage of these circumstances in the preliminaries and hoped to
profit still more from them in the
definitive peace. "When I
arrive at Milan," said he, "I will
occupy myself with Venice." It is therefore quite
evident to me that in
reality the General-in-Chief had nothing to do with the Venetian insurrections; that
subsequently he was not displeased with them; and that, later still, he derived great
advantage from them.
We arrived at Milan on the 5th of May, by way of Lawbook, Thrust, Palma-Nova, Padua, Verona, and Mantua. Bonaparte soon took up his
residence at Montebello, a very fine
chateau, three leagues from Milan, with a view over the rich and
magnificent plains of Lombard. At Montebello commenced the negotiations for the
definitive peace which were terminated at Passeriano. The Marquis de Gallo, the Austrian
plenipotentiary, resided half a
league from Montebello.
During his
residence at Montebello the General-in-Chief made an
excursion to the Lake of Como and to the Ago Maguire. He visited the Borromean Islands in
succession, and occupied himself on his return with the
organization of the towns of Venice, Genoa, and Milan. He sought for men and found none. "Good God," said he, "how
rare men are! There are eighteen millions in Italy, and I have with
difficulty found two, Dandolo and Melzi."
He appreciated them properly. Dandolo was one of the men who, in those
revolutionary times, reflected the greatest honour upon Italy. After being a member of the great
council of the Cisalpine Republic, he exercised the functions of Proveditore-General in Dalmatia. It is only
necessary to
mention the name of Dandolo to the Dalmatians to learn from the
grateful inhabitants how just and
vigorous his
administration was. The services of Melzi are known. He was Chancellor and Keeper of the Seals of the Italian
monarchy, and was created Duke of Lodi.
-[Francesco, Comte de Melzi d'Eryl (1753-1816),
vice President of
the Italian Republic, 1802; Chancellor of the Kingdom of Italy,
1805; Duc de Loth, 1807.]-
In those who have seen the world the truth of Napoleon's
reproach excites little
astonishment. In a country which,
according to biographies and newspapers, abounds with men, a woman of much
talent-(Madame Roland.)-said, "What has most surprised me, since the
elevation of my
husband has afforded me the
opportunity of knowing many persons, and
particularly those employed in important affairs, is the
universal mediocrity which exists. It surpasses all that the
imagination can
conceive, and it is observable in all ranks, from the
clerk to the
minister. Without this
experience I never could have believed my
species to be so
contemptible."
Who does not
remember Oxenstiern's to his son, who trembled at going so young to the congress of Munster: "Go, my son. You will see by what sort of men the world is governed."